文章 Articles

Hierro Peru: China’s footprint in the Andes

One of China’s largest steel makers is causing controversy in Peru. Lucien Chauvin reports on an iron mine that has drawn protests from environmentalists and labour activists.
Article image

Last week the Peruvian government hosted a delegation of Chinese businesspeople with the hope of attracting investment in this Andean country. But one topic that both the hosts and guests would have preferred to avoid is that of the town of San Juan de Marcona, in Ica Region, 525 kilometres south of the capital, Lima, where China’s Beijing Shougang Group has operated an iron ore mine since 1993.

Shougang is China’s fourth-largest steel maker, and has been widely criticised within China for its contribution to Beijing’s air pollution. In 2001, the Chinese government ordered Shougang to move its dirtiest plants out of the capital’s western suburbs – part of an effort to tackle Beijing’s notorious smog in the run-up to the 2008 Olympic Games. Shougang has since announced it will move all of its polluting plants out to neighbouring provinces by 2010.

Shougang’s purchase of Hierro Peru, the Peruvian state-owned mine and steel mill, for US$311 million remains the largest Chinese investment of its kind in South America, but critics say it is not a model to follow. In its nearly 14 years of operations in Peru, Shougang has been criticised by the regional and congressional government, NGOs and its own workers’ union for repeated violations of environmental standards, disregard of labour rights and breach of contract.

Shougang has received four fines for environmental infractions. The most serious of these, according to local activists, is Shougang’s pumping of waste water into the nearby San Nicolas Bay, where its deepwater port is located. In March 2006, the Ica regional government declared a state of “environmental emergency” in San Juan de Marcona, a largely-symbolic measure enacted to protest Shougang’s activities.

Carlos Chavez, a regional council member, said the decision to declare the environmental emergency did not come as a surprise. He said there was not only ample evidence of environmental pollution, but also Shougang showed a complete disregard for the problem.

“The Ica Regional Council has repeatedly addressed the social and environmental impact of Shougang, calling to their attention problems that needed to be resolved. Nothing ever happened,” said Chavez.

Shougang appealed the council’s declaration of a “state of emergency”, but in April the regional council upheld the company’s appeal. Shougang have since announced they would pursue the matter in Peru’s court system. The company was unavailable to comment, despite repeated attempts to contact them.

Jorge Silva, an engineer who works for the Research Centre for Development and Participation, who prepared a report on extractive industries operating in Ica, said: “Shougang is undoubtedly important to the economic wellbeing of the Ica region, but it has to be held accountable to its original commitments and additional agreements it has reached over the years. Beginning next year, the regional government will hopefully be able to enforce norms the central government has not been interested in enforcing.

Silva said Shougang’s approach to the environment is mirrored in its relations with workers and the local community, to which the company has very few ties.          

“Shougang is a Chinese enclave that has no relationship with its social or physical environment,” said Silva.

As a result of the company’s approach, Shougang’s 720-member labour union has called several strikes in the past few years, as have contracted workers. There have been four strikes so far this year, each of which forced the company to close operations but did not hurt the bottom line too much because of Shougang’s huge inventories. Although they extracted some concessions, Shougang’s workers are still among the lowest paid in Peru’s mining sector.

The labour union’s eight-day strike in June, which cost the company US$4 million in losses, was called to demand a daily wage increase of US$1.70. The company countered with an offer of US$0.58 daily. The two sides settled on US$1 and a US$300 one-time bonus. Shougang workers now earn US$14 for a 12 hour shift, although the company points out when all benefits are included, Shougang workers receive the equivalent of US$28 a day.

Union leader Julio Ortiz said the situation remains tense because the company’s profit margins continue to increase, while workers continue to receive little in terms of better wages and benefits.

Production in the first six months of this year was 2,520 fine tonnes, which is near full capacity. While production has remained more or less steady, international prices have risen. A fine tonne fetched an average of US$27.70 in the first six months of 2005, and US$35.70 in the same period this year. Export earnings in 2005 were US$215.5 million, up 249.4% over the 2004 figure. A similar trend is expected this year.

According to government sources, Shougang’s reserves are around 830 million tonnes, and the company is exploring additional sites. It has identified copper and gold deposits, and other international companies are prospecting for similar metals around San Juan de Marcona.

Apart from their partially-satisfied salary demands, the union also received a promise from the company to carry out environmental remediation projects, particularly cleaning up oxidation ponds; although this has yet to be carried out.

While politicians at the local level and in Peru’s unicameral congress have expressed concern about environmental and labour problems, they have focused much more of their attention on legal issues, specifically Shougang’s failure to meet its original contract.

Shougang won the bid for Hierro Peru in September 1992, and began operating in January of the following year. In addition to the US$118 million it paid to acquire the company, it also promised to invest US$150 million in the next three years, or by the end of 1995. That did not happen and Shougang was fined US$14 million, less than 10% of what it initially promised to invest.  Overall, Shougang has invested around US$130 million since moving into Marcona, most of it on improving its facilities to raise production.

A special congressional commission investigated the sale and Shougang’s failure to meet its commitments throughout most of 2003, but nothing came of the investigation and voluminous report, which concluded that the company had failed to abide by its contract.

Jorge Silva holds that Shougang’s investment needs to be analysed more closely, because there is evidence that even this investment may be better on paper than it is in reality.

“Part of the investment was to purchase machinery, but all they did was bring in second-hand machinery from the parent company in China that pollutes just as much as the old machines. They have done whatever necessary to make a profit while not complying with environmental or labour standards,” said Silva.


Lucien O. Chauvin is a freelance journalist based in Lima

Now more than ever…

chinadialogue is at the heart of the battle for truth on climate change and its challenges at this critical time.

Our readers are valued by us and now, for the first time, we are asking for your support to help maintain the rigorous, honest reporting and analysis on climate change that you value in a 'post-truth' era.

Support chinadialogue

发表评论 Post a comment

评论通过管理员审核后翻译成中文或英文。 最大字符 1200。

Comments are translated into either Chinese or English after being moderated. Maximum characters 1200.

评论 comments

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

孰是孰非?

每个人都不愿意看到自己国家的公司在别国为追求经济利益而损坏环境和剥削劳工。

感谢“中外对话”提供这样一个窗口来让中国人了解中国公司在海外的情况,同时有可能的话,还能有助于这样的公司改善它的生产经营。

但通读了这篇文章,我不禁要提出一些疑问:

秘鲁这个国家的法律和法制的状况是怎样的?

想必,这个国家的腐败也是很严重的?

作为一个第三世界国家,秘鲁的绿色环保现状是如何的?

作为读者,如果我不能了解这样的背景,我想说,即便是换了一家公司,(如果它能为当地带来经济效益,估计和首钢目前的状况相比也不会好到那里去。毕竟,外因是通过内因来起作用的。

所以,真希望作者能提供其它一些相关的秘鲁国家的信息,以及首钢为当地的经济贡献情况,从而来让读者认识这个问题的真实原因。

第三世界的发展通常是忽略了环境,而只追求经济利益,我想秘鲁也是不例外的。你的文章中也多少提到了这些问题,但需要多些笔墨,这样才能反映真实情况。

首钢在秘鲁的问题,不只是首钢公司责任的问题,同时也是秘鲁本身存在的问题的体现。

Who is and who isn't?

No one is willing to look at how their own countries' companies seek economic advantage abroad, harming the environment and exploiting labour. Thank you to chinadialogue for offering Chinese people this kind of window to understand the situation of Chinese companies operating overseas; at the same time, it may possibly be of some help to this kind of company in improving its production practises. Through reading this article, however, I want to offer up a few questions: what is the legal system and its enforcement like in Peru? Presumably this country's corruption is very serious? Being a Third World country, how is green is Peru and how is environment protection there? As a reader, if I cannot understand this sort of background, even if you switched the company (if it could bring any economic efficiencies for the people there), I estimate that, even compared with the current situation with Beijing Steel Corporation, it would still not be good to go there. All in all, external causes take on their role through internal causes. Therefore, I truly hope that the author can offer up some other related news about Peru as a nation, as well as information about Beijing Steel's contribution to the local economy. That way readers will be able to recognize the true reason for this problem. The development of the Third World has often ignored the environment, seeking only economic profit, and I imagine that Peru is no exception. In your article there is some raising of these issues, but it needs more treatment, this way it can reflect the true situation. This problem of Beijing Steel in Peru is not only an issue of Beijing Steel Corporation's responsibility, at the same time it is a manifestation of a problem that exists in Peru itself.

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

中国公司的确应该学习如何更加负责任

很多发展中国家环境方面的法律法规并不完善,就像中国一样,但是这并不是一个企业可以污染环境的理由。正像我们不希望看到跨国公司在中国污染环境一样,秘鲁人也不希望别国公司污染他们的环境。大公司特别是跨国公司应该有统一的行为标准,对环境和当地社区更负责任,只有这样才能实现长远持续发展。

随着中国公司越来越多的海外运作,这样的问题也会越来越多,中国公司需要很快地学习如何处理这些问题。

It is time for Chinese companies to learn how to take responsibility

The law on environment protection in lots of developing countries is not well-developed, like in China. But this can not be the reason that a company can pollute the local environment. Peruvian want to prevent their environment from being polluted by other countries, just as we do. MNC should have standard of code of practice to protect the local environment and community. It is the only way for MNC to keep long-term sustainable development. As China currently has set up more and more companies abroad, the similar problems will increase. Chinese companies need learn to deal with these problems as soon as possible.

Default avatar
匿名 | Anonymous

首钢的职责

我同意上面的评论,这篇文章没有提供关于秘鲁方面的足够信息。同时,我不同意首钢只是经济全球化过程中一个不可避免的问题。绝对不是的。首先,首钢是传统的国有企业(很明显与晚年邓小平有密切联系),国有企业应该比私有企业有更强的感觉代表中国。从长远来看,首钢短视地看问题将有损中国在南美的形象。

Shougang's Responsibilities

I agree with the comment above that this article doesn't cover the Peruvian side much. At the same time, I don't agree that Shougang is just another "natural" (read: inevitable) case of globalized industry. No way. Shougang, first of all, is a classic SOE (apparently with close ties to the late Deng Xiaoping no less), and SOEs should have an ever greater sense of representing China than private companies. Shougang is taking a short-term view of things that will harm China's image in South America in the long run.